The Rhetoric of the Defense of Life: Dimensions of Care and Childhood. The Case of ‘La Casa del Padre’ in Peru.

Author: Yanile Velarde Gallegos

June 3, 2026

[Photo credit: Peruvian Public Prosecutor’s Office]

Legal Framework and Gaps in Access to Therapeutic Abortion

Access to legal, safe, and free abortion is a right that is not equitably guaranteed across all countries in the world. Despite the recommendations issued by international human rights organizations such as the World Health Organization (WHO)^[1], access may vary depending on each country’s legal framework, and even between regions or states within the same country. In Latin America, abortion without restrictions is currently legal in only five countries: Argentina, Colombia, Cuba, Mexico, and Uruguay. In the rest of the countries, abortion remains fully or partially criminalized, depending on the legal modality established in national legislation.^[2]

In the case of Peru, abortion has been permitted under the modality of therapeutic abortion since 1924. This means that the procedure is legal when performed by a physician with the consent of the pregnant woman or her legal representative, but  it must also constitute  the only means to save the life of the pregnant person or to prevent serious and permanent damage to her health. However, despite its legal status, institutional barriers, disinformation campaigns led by conservative groups, and broader setbacks in women’s rights have hindered its dissemination, understanding, and accessibility within healthcare facilities. This situation is reflected in data published by Ojo Público, which shows that between 2003 and 2022 only two girls under the age of 11 were able to access a therapeutic abortion in the country.^[3]

Despite the efforts of social organizations and advocacy groups, such as Asamblea Verde, which advocate for the complete legalization of legal, safe, and free abortion within the healthcare system, the conservative majority  currently holding both legislative and executive power has obstructed progress in reproductive rights. At the same time, a narrative has emerged that criminalizes women who seek access to abortion, even in cases of sexual violence.

The Case of “La Casa del Padre”

“La Casa del Padre” is a private evangelical shelter in Peru that has received a growing number of pregnant girls and adolescents since 2006. It was founded by Congresswoman and former pastor Milagros Jáuregui and her husband. According to public records, Milagros Jáuregui de Aguayo has been part of the organization’s board of directors since its founding and served as vice president until 2021, before assuming her position as a member of Congress.^[4]

Recently, the case has gained public attention following the exposure of adolescent mothers during a religious activity led by the shelter’s founder and current candidate for congressional reelection, Milagros Jáuregui. Criticism has focused on the instrumentalization of girl survivors of sexual abuse between the ages of 10 and 13 for political purposes. During a statement made in a podcast, the congresswoman openly declared that she persuaded them not to have abortions, arguing that, according to her, the only victim would be the baby. She also described the shelter as a space where the girls would be able to experience their pregnancies and “love the fruit of their womb”.^[5]

Residential Care Centers (Centros de Acogida Residencial, CAR) are institutions that provide comprehensive protection for children and adolescents without parental care or who are at risk of losing it. These centers offer housing, food, education, and healthcare services. The entity responsible for their registration, supervision, and regulation is the Ministry of Women and Vulnerable Populations (MIMP).^[6]

As of January 2026, it was reported that there were 235 Residential Care Centers (Centros de Acogida Residencial, CAR) across the country, of which only 12 were specialized in caring for pregnant adolescents and adolescent mothers. According to an investigation conducted by Ojo Público, five of these specialized centers are exclusively private, and at least three of them are linked to religious organizations, one of which is the evangelical association La Casa del Padre.^[7]

On November 15, 2022 - two months after La Casa del Padre received its CAR accreditation - Law 31621 was enacted, which establishes temporary protection services for victims of family and sexual violence. The bill was authored by Congresswoman Milagros Jáuregui.^[8] This law, promoted by the former evangelical pastor, modified the previous regulations regarding the minimum operational standards for these centers. The reform prevented unaccredited centers from admitting new children and adolescents while simultaneously shielding already-operating centers from closure.^[9] In addition, the law benefited La Casa del Padre center through mechanisms such as funding, institutional legitimization, and the referral of girl survivors  of sexual abuse to the facility.^[10]

[Photo Credit: Ministry of Women and Vulnerable Populations (MIMP)]

The broader reality is that child pregnancy in Peru is deeply intertwined with rape, inequality, and institutional barriers to accessing therapeutic abortion. Residential Care Centers (Centros de Acogida Residencial, CAR) managed by actors who openly oppose abortion signal the ideological direction  these institutions may seek to impose on the girls in their care,  often seeking to discourage or prevent the termination of pregnancy and thereby obstructing  access to therapeutic abortion, a right guaranteed under Peruvian law since 1924.

Currently, Congresswoman Milagros Jáuregui continues to be investigated by the Congressional Ethics Committee for the alleged public exposure of minors who are survivors of sexual violence. However, she has denied responsibility for her role in the center and for  the dissemination of photographs of the girls and adolescents on the center’s social media accounts. At the same time, the Public Prosecutor’s Office continues to collect evidence and testimonies regarding alleged mistreatment of the girls hosted at the facility and the possible failure to comply with the standards established for the operation of such centers.^[11]

Childhood, Care Theory, and Premature Caregiving Burdens

The debate around abortion has often been framed around  whether adult women should have the authority to make decisions  which  many conservative religious actors characterize  as the decision to “end a life”. This framing, however, presupposes the moral equivalence between a fetus and a fully developed human being, that remains ethically and philosophically contested. Moreover, when abortion in cases of rape involving minors enters the debate, anti-rights groups often emphasize that girls and adolescents would suffer greater psychological harm from undergoing an abortion.

Making such claims in a social context where, in the last nine years (2017–2025), 128,197 cases of sexual violence against minors under the age of 18 have been reported denies the reality of systemic gender-based violence and enable narratives that normalize violations of the rights of a population composed predominantly of adolescent girls and children.^[12] 

In order to understand the impact of having a child during adolescence, it is necessary to analyze it from a care perspective. First, it is important to define what care is and how it’s organized in the country. From a human rights perspective, Pautassi (2007) defines care as a human right to which all individuals are entitled throughout their life cycle. This includes both the right to receive care when needed and the right to provide care under dignified conditions. It further implies a state obligation to guarantee access to care, preventing both its unequal distribution and its disproportionate burden on women.^[13]

In Peru, as in the vast majority of Latin American countries, a familialist regime is predominant. According to Karina Batthyány’s (2015) “welfare diamond” framework, societal  well-being is produced through four intersecting sources: the  state, the market, the family, and the community sector.^[14] This framework makes it possible to visualize the dynamics and tensions in the distribution of responsibilities, revealing which actors assume greater burdens and which remain absent or weakened.

The Peruvian social structure is organized in such a way that access to care operates as a privilege. Those who access care largely belong to higher socioeconomic sectors, capable of securing well-being through the market. Inequalities in access to care are therefore a persistent feature of the Peruvian social structure. Likewise, as a predominantly patriarchal and Catholic country, the figure of women remains strongly associated with the domestic sphere, positioning women as the default primary providers of care within the collective social imagination. In the Peruvian case, neither the market nor the state comprehensively provides care for the population, the family remains the primary institution responsible for the provision of well-being. The gaps generated by the absence of the state are largely assumed by women within Peruvian families, thereby reinforcing a familialist regime.

According to the models of familism proposed by Saraceno (2016), named familism by default, supported familism, optional familism, and the defamilializing regime; Peru would fall within the model of familism by default, as  the absence of comprehensive state care services remains one of its most persistent structural challenges. There are certain exceptions in which the state has provided care coverage to segments of the population; however, these tend to be limited in scope and applied only in specific cases. In this sense, the country could be understood as occupying a position within a spectrum between these two forms of familism.^[15]

In relation to the context of La Casa del Padre, the state's incapacity to adequately support and protect pregnant girls and adolescents has enabled private entities such as the evangelical church to fill that vacuum. Within the current distribution of social welfare provision, the state is not the primary provider of care. This dynamic  weakens  civil society’s  capacity to demand greater public funding and institutional oversight of privately managed Residential Care Centers (CAR).

For this reason, a restructuring of welfare provision in the country is necessary. Without restructuring care provisions, the family, and consequently women, will continue to bear a disproportionate  caregiving responsibility. A balance among the different providers of welfare must be established. The  national care system is therefore necessary  to ensure a more equitable distribution of caregiving responsibilities across state, market, family, and community.

The situation of girls and adolescent mothers will be examined through the lens  of Time Use Surveys (TUS). These surveys are data collection tools that make it possible to understand the existing organization of care work, the inequalities that may arise within it, and the foundations for proposing and designing measures to address these disparities. Time Use Surveys provide essential knowledge about care work, an area that has gained increasing regional prominence since 2002, when the First International Meeting of Experts on Time Use and Unpaid Work took place.

In Peru, the National Institute of Statistics and Informatics (INEI) published the National Time Use Survey (ENUT) in 2024, marking the second edition of the survey, released fourteen years after the first. Among the objectives of the publication were: to measure the amount of time that women and men dedicate to unpaid domestic work, particularly in care-related activities involving children, older adults, persons with disabilities, and/or individuals who are ill; to identify gender differences in the distribution of time use in daily tasks and activities necessary for personal, family, and social development; and to examine how unpaid domestic work is distributed among the usual members of the household, among other goals.^[16]

According to the data presented, during daily activities on a typical weekend day, women aged 12 and over dedicate an average of  5 hours and 5 minutes to unpaid work, more than double the 2 hours and 40 minutes recorded for men.

[Graphic: INEI (2024), translated by the author]

Furthermore, the results on total work in Peru, which includes both paid employment and unpaid work, demonstrate  that women consistently devote more hours to total work than men across almost all recorded age groups and types of days, highlighting a significant gender gap in the distribution of labor.^[17]

Within the group of adolescents aged 12 to 19, the Time Use Survey (TUS) also showed that girls in this group still dedicate more time to unpaid work than boys  (3:00 hours compared to 2:48 hours). This disparity, even among the youngest age group surveyed, reflects the early imposition of gendered caregiving roles.^[18]

[Graphic:  INEI (2024), translated by the author]

It was observed that for adult women who are employed, performing both paid and unpaid work, the total time dedicated to work is at least triple that recorded for the 12–19 age group. The analysis reveals that girls and adolescents who are forced or discouraged from accessing therapeutic abortion would most likely have to dedicate more than ten hours per day not only to the care of their children, but also to seeking employment or other sources of income that would allow them to meet the financial and material needs of a dependent child .

This situation directly undermines their right to education. Given the number of hours they would be required to dedicate to caregiving responsibilities, their ability to complete  primary education would be severely curtailed. This is borne out by the National Institute of Statistics and Informatics (INEI, 2023), which shows that a significant proportion of girls aged 10 to 14 who become mothers had only reached primary education (36.6%), while 62.3% had reached secondary education, without completing it. This reinforces evidence that early pregnancy is linked to higher rates of school dropout and interrupted educational trajectories.^[19]

Additionally, in the context of pregnant girls and adolescents who are referred to Residential Care Centers (CAR), it is important to highlight that their backgrounds are frequently marked  by poverty, violence, or abandonment. This means that many of them lack a support network that could help sustain the life of another person, while simultaneously being unable to exercise the rights that correspond to them as children. This situation deepens entrenched  cycles of inequality, particularly among girls experiencing early pregnancy, exposing  the intersection of  child pregnancy, sexual violence and abandonment. From a human rights perspective, this constitutes a restriction on a fundamental right, as recognized under the Convention on the Rights of the Child and related international instruments .

Based on the arguments presented above, it can be argued that compelling girls to carry pregnancies to term not only undermines their bodily autonomy but also imposes premature caregiving responsibilities, effectively transforming them into primary long-term caregivers before they have had the opportunity to fully exercise their own rights as children. From a human rights and care perspective, the issue is not only whether a pregnancy continues, but also whether the State is effectively transferring the burden of care onto children who are themselves entitled to protection, education, health, and development.

Anti-Rights Narratives and Policy Considerations

Peru is currently undergoing  a significant regression in rights protection, driven by legislation and executive actions. Some recent examples include the approval of Bill 7579/2023-CR on June 12, which—under the pretext of “defending the rights of families”—threatens to weaken children’s and adolescents’ access to Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE).^[20] Another example is Supreme Decree No. 023-2021-SA, issued by the Ministry of Health and published on May 11, which pathologized LGBTIQ+ identities, particularly members of the trans community, by classifying them as mental disorders. ^[21] Recently, on March 27, the Supreme Court of Justice declared this decree unconstitutional in a landmark ruling. However, as Gahela Cari, a prominent trans activist and candidate for Congress in the current elections, stated: “It’s a light of hope, but it also reminds us that there’s still a long way to go in dismantling norms and practices that continue to infringe upon social rights.^[22] 

Congresswoman Milagros Jáuregui is only one of several public officials seeking to advance an agenda aimed at restricting and dismantling the gender equality approach in state policies. In November 2025, 68 members of Congress voted in favor of eliminating all references to the gender approach and replacing Comprehensive Sexual Education with a “biological and ethical” approach.^[23]

These setbacks represent the beginning of what traditional and conservative political blocs seek to establish in the country. The parties currently in power are aware that the laws they have enacted, and those they aim to pass, contradict the international treaties to which Peru is a signatory. Among the most important of these are the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (1982), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1990) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1978).^[24] This contradiction does not appear to deter their legislative agenda, as these include withdrawing the country from such treaties in order to exempt Peru from the international commitments to which it is currently bound.

Notably,  the country is currently navigating  a contentious electoral period, and “Renovación Popular,” the party to which Milagros Jáuregui belongs, has proposed withdrawing the country from the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR), an autonomous organ of the Organization of American States (OAS) established in 1959 to promote, defend, and monitor human rights in the Americas. Although framed as a measure  to combat organized crime and establish the death penalty, such a withdrawal would create legal space for legislation that falls outside international human rights standards and directly threatens the rights of women and minority groups.^[25] 

The right to care has emerged as a central demand among civil society actors in Peru, particularly women's organizations, like “Flora Tristán” and “Manuela Ramos”, have contributed to the production of evidence in the field of care, through publications such as “Survey on Representations of Care Work in Peru” and “Invisible: unpaid work, its economic value and women”. They also  engaged in political advocacy to promote the regulation of care and its formal recognition in public policy and legal frameworks, still their efforts have been repeatedly obstructed by the conservative political apparatus that maintains a clear stance against the advancement of human rights. One of the most significant attempts was the proposal for a National Care System Bill, which sought to recognize care as a right and to establish the aforementioned system. To date, care remains unrecognized as a fundamental right in Peruvian law.^[26]

This absence of legal recognition  was reinforced by the Congressional Commission on Women and Family ultimately voted to shelve the initiative on April 5, 2024.^[27] The opposition led by members of conservative political parties, including figures such as Milagros Jáuregui and Alejandro Muñante, put forward several arguments. These included concerns about how the initiative would infringe on  constitutional principles such as family autonomy and privacy, as well as the principle of subsidiarity, by assigning the State an active role in care provision, which is traditionally a private family responsibility. Additional arguments pointed to the absence of a clear financial mechanism and doubts regarding the administrative efficiency and its economic sustainability. Conservative legislators further  debated that the initiative could disrupt traditional family structures and impose what opponents characterized  as a “gender ideology” that stigmatized conventional gender roles and extended undue state control over family life.

Legislators, along with civil society, argued that this proposal responded to an urgent social need. They also highlighted the structural lack of support for caregivers, who are predominantly women, and emphasized the State’s responsibility to guarantee care as part of broader social protection systems. Additionally, they emphasized that the creation of a National Care System would help coordinate existing services and reduce inequalities, not only for women but also for children and people with disabilities. Finally, they underscored the need to recognize unpaid care work as a fundamental component of social and economic life, arguing that it should not be confined to the private sphere. The final  decision, however, failed to address this urgent need to strengthen existing care services and to recognize care as a human right.^[28]

Civil society organizations, particularly feminist groups and those working on reproductive rights, continue  to advocate  for placing the care crisis at the center of public debate, though  these efforts have largely been dismissed by the state apparatus, undermining  recognition of the  issue as a  national  policy priority and constraining its visibility beyond advocacy cycles.

The cultural transformation of caregiving roles is deeply rooted in key sites of socialization, particularly the family and the school. Therefore, if state institutions, whose reach extends nationwide, do not identify care as an urgent social issue, it will remain confined to academic theorizing about gender inequality gaps in the country, with little structural impact.

Currently, the girls and adolescents who were prevented or actively discouraged from accessing therapeutic abortion and who carried their pregnancies to term not only have to endure the psychological burden of the sexual abuse they experienced, but are also expected to assume the role of full-time caregivers, despite retaining, as children, the full right to receive care themselves.

Care provides a fundamental lens through which to analyze the real impact of public policies in Peru, particularly those directed at vulnerable population groups such as girls and adolescents. It is essential to examine the implications of proposed laws in the short, medium, and long term. Only then can the full human cost of these policies be understood and challenged.

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Glossary

• Abortion: The termination of a pregnancy through medical or surgical procedures. Access to abortion is regulated differently across countries depending on legal frameworks and health policies.

• Care: A human right to which all individuals are entitled throughout their life cycle. This includes both the right to receive care when needed and the right to provide care under dignified conditions.

• Familialist Welfare Regime: A system of social welfare in which families, rather than the state or the market, bear the primary responsibility for providing care and social protection.

• Gender Division of Labor: The social distribution of work based on gender roles, where women are often expected to perform a disproportionate share of unpaid domestic and care work.

• Modality: Refers to the specific legal framework or conditions under which abortion is permitted or restricted within a given country. This includes the circumstances defined by law, such as therapeutic abortion, rape-related abortion, or elective abortion; which determine the extent of access to abortion services.

• Pathologized: Refers to the process of framing or classifying a person’s identity, behavior or experience as a medical or psychological disorder. In the context of this article, it describes the institutional practice of treating LGBTIQ+ identities, especially trans identities, as mental illnesses and a pathological condition.

• Residential Care Centers (Centros de Acogida Residencial – CAR): Institutions that provide temporary protection and care for children and adolescents who lack parental care or are at risk of losing it. These centers offer housing, food, education, and health services under the supervision of the Ministry of Women and Vulnerable Populations (MIMP).

• Social Organization of Care: A conceptual framework that analyzes how care responsibilities are distributed among different actors in society, including the state, the market, families, and community sectors.

• Therapeutic Abortion: A form of legal abortion permitted when continuing the pregnancy poses a risk to the life or health of the pregnant person. In Peru, therapeutic abortion has been legally allowed since 1924 under specific medical conditions.

• Welfare Diamond: A theoretical model developed by Karina Batthyány that describes the four key actors responsible for providing welfare in a society: the state, the market, the family, and the community sector.

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References

1. Acción por Igualdad. “Análisis del Proyecto de Ley N.º 7579-2023-CR.” Accessed April 2026. https://accionporigualdad.com/2025/04/analisis-del-proyecto-de-ley-n-o-7579-2023-cr-la-necesidad-de-una-educacion-sexual-integral-en-las-escuelas/

2. Batthyány, Karina. Las políticas y el cuidado en América Latina: una mirada a las experiencias regionales. CEPAL, 2015. https://repositorio.cepal.org/entities/publication/4a3df260-0140-4f3c-9c95-ec7aed1c6863

3. Congreso de la República del Perú. Debate y votación sobre el Sistema Nacional de Cuidados. Accessed April 2026. https://api.congreso.gob.pe/spley-portal-service/archivo/MTgyMTU2/pdf

4. Congreso de la República del Perú. Ley N.º 31621. Accessed March 2026. https://leyes.congreso.gob.pe/Documentos/2021_2026/ADLP/Texto_Consolidado/31621-TXM.pdf

5. Gobierno del Perú. “Registro Central de Instituciones y Acreditación de Centros de Acogida Residencial (CAR).” Accessed March 2026. https://www.gob.pe/61610-direccion-de-politicas-sobre-ninas-ninos-y-adolescentes-registro-central-de-instituciones-rci-y-acreditacion-de-centros-de-acogida-residencial-car

6. Guttmacher Institute. “Abortion in Latin America and the Caribbean.” Accessed March 2026. https://www.guttmacher.org/fact-sheet/abortion-latin-america-and-caribbean

7. Infobae Perú. “Comisión de Ética ratifica investigación contra Milagros Jáuregui por caso del albergue La Casa del Padre.” March 10, 2026. https://www.infobae.com/peru/2026/03/10/comision-de-etica-ratifica-investigacion-contra-milagros-jauregui-por-caso-del-albergue-la-casa-del-padre/.

8. Infobae Perú. “Congreso aprueba ley que elimina el enfoque de género.” November 20, 2025. https://www.infobae.com/peru/2025/11/20/congreso-aprueba-ley-que-elimina-el-enfoque-de-genero-y-reemplaza-la-educacion-sexual-integral-por-enfoque-biologico-y-etico/

9. Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática (INEI). Encuesta Nacional de Uso del Tiempo (ENUT) 2024. Accessed March 2026. https://www.gob.pe/institucion/inei/informes-publicaciones/5920191-encuesta-nacional-de-uso-del-tiempo-enut-2024

10. Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática (INEI). Encuesta Nacional de Uso del Tiempo 2024: Principales Resultados. Accessed March 2026. https://cdn.www.gob.pe/uploads/document/file/7838198/6610655-encuesta-nacional-de-uso-del-tiempo-2024-principales-resultados.pdf

11. Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática (INEI). Perú: Nacidos vivos de madres adolescentes 2019–2022. Accessed April 2026. https://www.gob.pe/institucion/inei/informes-publicaciones/4718062-peru-nacidos-vivos-de-madres-adolescentes-2019-2022

12. La República. “Declaran inconstitucional decreto que consideraba la identidad trans como trastorno mental.” April 26, 2026. https://larepublica.pe/sociedad/2026/03/26/fallo-historico-declaran-inconstitucional-decreto-que-consideraba-la-identidad-trans-como-trastorno-mental-ntpe-700596

13. Ministerio de Justicia y Derechos Humanos del Perú. “Órganos de tratados de las Naciones Unidas.” Accessed March 2026. https://observatorioderechoshumanos.minjus.gob.pe/organos-de-tratados-de-las-naciones-unidas/

14. Ministerio de la Mujer y Poblaciones Vulnerables (MIMP). “Reporte de casos de violencia.” Accessed April 2026. https://www.mimp.gob.pe/omep/Reporte-de-casos-de-violencia.php

15. Ministerio de Salud del Perú (MINSA). Decreto Supremo N.º 023-2021-SA. Accessed April 2026. https://www.gob.pe/institucion/minsa/normas-legales/2039386-023-2021-sa

16. Ojo Público. “Menores a cargo del hogar La Casa del Padre se triplicaron en dos años.” Accessed March 2026. https://ojo-publico.com/6101/menores-cargo-del-hogar-casa-del-padre-se-triplicaron-dos-anos

17. Ojo Público. “Mila y el aborto terapéutico: el limitado acceso en la última década.” Accessed March 2026. https://ojo-publico.com/4547/mila-y-el-aborto-terapeutico-el-limitado-acceso-la-ultima-decada

18. Oxfam Perú. “#HablemosDeCuidados: diálogo sobre el derecho al cuidado en el Congreso.” Accessed April 2026. https://peru.oxfam.org/lo-ultimo/noticias/hablemosdecuidados-dialogo-sobre-el-derecho-al-cuidado-en-el-congreso

19. Pautassi, Laura. “El cuidado como cuestión social desde un enfoque de derechos.” CEPAL, 2007. https://repositorio.cepal.org/entities/publication/e8a47d83-4d07-4fa2-bcdd-ea2aac87a6c5

20. Saraceno, Chiara. “Varieties of Familism.” Journal of European Social Policy, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928716657275

21. Salud con Lupa. “La Casa del Padre y las fallas en los centros que deben proteger a niñas víctimas de violencia.” Accessed March 2026. https://saludconlupa.com/genero/la-casa-del-padre-y-las-fallas-en-los-centros-que-deben-proteger-a-nias-vctimas-de-violencia/

22. World Health Organization (WHO). “Abortion.” Accessed March 2026. https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/abortion

23. Yahoo Noticias. “Candidato ultraconservador propone expulsar a Perú del sistema interamericano.” Accessed April 2026. https://es-us.noticias.yahoo.com/candidato-ultraconservador-per%C3%BA-propone-expulsar-190549910.html

24. YouTube video. “Milagros Aguayo habla de la DEFENSA de VIDA desde la concepción.” Accessed March 2026. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hy3wGNYOGsY 

    
    

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Footnotes

^[1] World Health Organization (WHO), “Abortion,” accessed March 2026, https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/abortion.

^[2] Guttmacher Institute, “Abortion in Latin America and the Caribbean,” accessed March 2026, https://www.guttmacher.org/fact-sheet/abortion-latin-america-and-caribbean

^[3] Ojo Público, “Mila y el aborto terapéutico: el limitado acceso en la última década,” accessed March 2026, https://ojo-publico.com/4547/mila-y-el-aborto-terapeutico-el-limitado-acceso-la-ultima-decada.

^[4] Ojo Público, “Menores a cargo del hogar La Casa del Padre se triplicaron en dos años,” accessed March 2026, https://ojo-publico.com/6101/menores-cargo-del-hogar-casa-del-padre-se-triplicaron-dos-anos 

^[5] YouTube video, accessed March 2026, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hy3wGNYOGsY 

^[6] Gobierno del Perú, “Registro Central de Instituciones y Acreditación de Centros de Acogida Residencial (CAR),” accessed March 2026, https://www.gob.pe/61610-direccion-de-politicas-sobre-ninas-ninos-y-adolescentes-registro-central-de-instituciones-rci-y-acreditacion-de-centros-de-acogida-residencial-car 

^[7] Ojo Público, “Menores a cargo del hogar La Casa del Padre se triplicaron en dos años.”

^[8] Congreso de la República del Perú, “Ley N.º 31621,” accessed March 2026, https://leyes.congreso.gob.pe/Documentos/2021_2026/ADLP/Texto_Consolidado/31621-TXM.pdf

^[9] Salud con Lupa, “La Casa del Padre y las fallas en los centros que deben proteger a niñas víctimas de violencia,” accessed March 2026, https://saludconlupa.com/genero/la-casa-del-padre-y-las-fallas-en-los-centros-que-deben-proteger-a-nias-vctimas-de-violencia/

^[10] Salud con Lupa, “La Casa del Padre y las fallas en los centros que deben proteger a niñas víctimas de violencia.”

^[11] Infobae Perú, “Comisión de Ética ratifica investigación contra Milagros Jáuregui por caso del albergue La Casa del Padre,” March 10, 2026, https://www.infobae.com/peru/2026/03/10/comision-de-etica-ratifica-investigacion-contra-milagros-jauregui-por-caso-del-albergue-la-casa-del-padre/

^[12] Ministerio de la Mujer y Poblaciones Vulnerables (MIMP), “Reporte de casos de violencia,” accessed April 2026, https://www.mimp.gob.pe/omep/Reporte-de-casos-de-violencia.php

^[13] Laura Pautassi, “El cuidado como cuestión social desde un enfoque de derechos,” CEPAL, 2007, https://repositorio.cepal.org/entities/publication/e8a47d83-4d07-4fa2-bcdd-ea2aac87a6c5

^[14] Karina Batthyány, “Las políticas y el cuidado en América Latina: una mirada a las experiencias regionales,” CEPAL, 2015, https://repositorio.cepal.org/entities/publication/4a3df260-0140-4f3c-9c95-ec7aed1c6863

^[15] Chiara Saraceno, “Varieties of Familism,” Journal of European Social Policy, 2016, http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928716657275 

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