From Heroes to Outcasts: Libya's Disregard for Revolutionary Women
- Human Rights Research Center
- Aug 5
- 16 min read
Author: Zeinab Abulhul, PhD
August 5, 2025
Trigger Warning: The following article contains references to sexual violence, rape, and torture.
![[Image Source: From Subjects to Citizens: Women in Post-Revolutionary Libya. (Fall 2013)]](https://static.wixstatic.com/media/7972a5_ad2c2c35ce1f4a408436108b6ac05dfd~mv2.png/v1/fill/w_51,h_28,al_c,q_85,usm_0.66_1.00_0.01,blur_2,enc_avif,quality_auto/7972a5_ad2c2c35ce1f4a408436108b6ac05dfd~mv2.png)
Introduction
Despite contributions and sacrifices made by women in both times of peace and of war, they have never been granted equal rights from a societal perspective. In one stark example of such a concept, Libyan women chose to assist the men in their communities during the political upheaval that gripped the nation during the 2011 Libyan civil war. They fully accepted the consequences of the decision to defend their children, brothers, fathers, and husbands by contributing to the 2011 Libyan war effort. They understood that those in power, who were spearheading the conflict, targeted not only active protesters against the regime run by Muammar Gaddafi, but also those who merely expressed dissenting opinions or otherwise showed support for the revolutionary movement. However, as the conflict began to show signs of slowing down, partially due to the global community’s outspoken support of the revolutionary movement against Gaddafi, Libyan society quickly turned back against the women who fought to protect their families, friends, and neighbors. Even after the fall of Gaddafi’s regime (and Gaddafi’s death) in October 2011, Libya denied women’s efforts in the revolutionary period known as the Libyan Civil War. Libyan society and government also rejected women's access to fundamental human rights, including proper treatment following trauma sustained during the war. Libyan families worked to isolate these women out of fear of bringing stigma and shame upon themselves, forcing the women to bear responsibility for their very contributions to the cause.
Libyan women’s heroic contributions during the Libyan revolution.
During the Libyan war in 2011, Libyan women worked alongside men, taking on various crucial roles. Despite Libya’s conservative society, which heavily restricts women’s participation in political activism, many women defied these restrictions and eagerly seized opportunities to support the revolution (PeaceWomen, 2011). For example, the Benghazi sisters, Iman and Salwa Bugaighis, played key roles in organizing protest demonstrations in February 2011. Salwa Bugaighis, a notable figure, became a leading advocate for human rights and democratic reform, openly demanding government accountability toward its population, which was viewed as a rebellious act in a Libyan society dominated by patriarchy (HRW, 2013).
Other women participated less in public but in equally critical ways. They utilized digital tools to report on how the revolution was impacting Libyan streets and the government, thereby mobilizing public support. They also exposed human rights abuses, documented government forces' brutality, and kept the public and international observers informed about the progress of the revolution (UN Women, 2020). For instance, Inas Fathy, a 26-year-old computer engineer, supported the uprising by distributing protest materials and providing crucial mapping information to help fighters against the Gaddafi forces to the front lines, as well as smuggling bullets and weapons in Tripoli. While Dalla Abbazi, a 43-year-old, and Fatima Bredan, a 37-year-old, actively contributed: Dalla Abbazi sewed liberation flags, helped assemble pipe bombs, prepared meals for the fighters, and provided essential resources, while Fatima volunteered at a hospital, caring for wounds and assisting patients during the conflict. They assisted families affected by the war by establishing shelters, raising funds for weapons and ammunition, smuggling bullets, raising awareness, and offering weapons training, along with other self-defense tactics that helped secure their communities (Hammer, 2012).
Furthermore, Shahrazad Kablan and Zahra Langhi took to various media outlets to promote human rights both within and beyond Libya. Shahrazad dedicated herself as the anchor of Libyan TV Alaharar, inspiring Libyans to come together and backing revolutionaries on the front lines. Meanwhile, Zahra utilized international media platforms and organized workshops to empower young Libyans with the skills to advocate for human rights through documentation (Hweio, 2016).
As previously noted, Libyan women played crucial roles during the revolution by increasing their political engagement. They assumed leadership positions, symbolizing the Libyan revolution. For instance, Iman Bugaigis served as a spokesperson for the National Transitional Council (NTC), and Salwa El-Deghali was responsible for legal affairs within the NTC (Hweio, 2016). Although they gained empowerment during this period, societal resistance afterward led to significant setbacks, hindering the continuation of their progress (Hweio, 2016).
Rape as a Weapon: The Systematic Use of Sexual Violence in Libya
![[Image Source: Libya: Calls to escalate protests over rape of woman]](https://static.wixstatic.com/media/7972a5_73e70891d99d4051aa3063b98b1a2ca5~mv2.png/v1/fill/w_51,h_21,al_c,q_85,usm_0.66_1.00_0.01,blur_2,enc_avif,quality_auto/7972a5_73e70891d99d4051aa3063b98b1a2ca5~mv2.png)
During the Libyan conflict, sexual violence became a systematic weapon of war used by multiple parties. The Gaddafi regime deliberately used rape as a military tactic. This brutal strategy was implemented for both combatants and civilians. The government forces systematically employed torture, killing, rape, and forms of sexual violence as methods to break revolutionaries and terrorize communities. A United Nations report documented how government soldiers sexually assaulted both men and women, conducting abductions and rapes of persons as well as in victims' homes. In some cases, assaults were carried out in front of family members, maximizing psychological trauma (Lafferty, 2020; BBC, June 2011).
This systematic approach to sexual violence persisted even after Gaddafi’s fall, as various militias adopted similar methods against rebels and civilians. The International Association of Humanitarian Crisis Intervention (IAHCI) documented extensive evidence of how widespread this tactic became across different armed groups throughout the conflict, leaving deep psychological scars on victims and communities caught in the violence (Home Office, 2014).
Women faced particular risks throughout the conflict period. Many risked their lives and reputations by actively participating in resistance activities. During wartime, they became targets of the regime forces, such as Inas Fathy, who was caught documenting troop movements, and Dalla Abbazi, who smuggled weapons (ICTJ, 2024; Sharqawi, 2023). However, even civilians who stayed away from direct clashes with fighters were not immune to violence, as the effects of the conflict spread beyond the battle zones to impact the broader population (Hammer, 2021).
Dr. Suad Al-Latif Al-Fitouri, a British Libyan international relations expert, was interviewed by the Tunisian Al Sabah Newspaper in 2011, reflecting on the applications of Gaddafi's instructions against the rebels. Dr. Al-Fitouri documented crimes against women during the Libyan Civil War. She cataloged approximately five hundred cases of rape targeting women and girls throughout Libya. She also added in her interview that these were not random acts of violence but systematic attacks carried out under Gaddafi’s explicit orders. Gaddafi's regime subjected women and girls to brutal acts of sexual violence to break the spirit of entire Libyan cities before the revolution could fully take hold in their towns. The message was clear to rebels during the conflict: stop fighting or face severe consequences. The regime’s violence acted as psychological warfare, intended to make resistance seem hopeless and encourage fighters to retreat to avoid further humiliation (Al-Shorouk Online News, 2011).
French journalist Annick Cojean's investigation, documented in her book "Les Proies: Dans le harem de Kadhafi" (Prey: In Gaddafi's Harem), revealed the systematic nature of Gaddafi’s sexual violence. She documented the horrific experiences of women who were kidnapped, abused, and raped by Muammar Gaddafi, as detailed in her book. These women’s lives were shattered after attracting Gaddafi’s attention, with some like Soraya becoming his sex slaves at a young age of 15. Gaddafi maintained a harem where women faced rape, beatings, and sexual humiliation; he used rape as a weapon to dominate women and even men by possessing their wives and daughters. Through extensive interviews, Cojean uncovered how Gaddafi targeted women using rape as a tool to dominate victims and control their families or entire tribes. Men seeking political advancement were also among his targets, demonstrating how sexual violence served as a mechanism of political control. (DAOU, 2012, France24).
Although Cojean documented the systematic nature of sexual violence under the Gaddafi regime, it was Iman Al Obeidi's testimony that prompted the international community to confront the reality of rape as a deliberate weapon of war.
On March 26, 2011, in Tripoli, a 28-year-old youth law student named Iman al-Obidi was caught in a storm at the Tripoli Ricksos Hotel. During the early days of the revolution, the government closely monitored and controlled foreign journalists. She knew this was one of the few places in Libya where she could reach the international press with her face and leg injuries and was determined to do so. She told reporters that she was abducted by Gaddafi soldiers, exposing the regime’s horrific crimes against those who dared advocate for human rights. She also said she was kidnapped because she participated in the protest in Benghazi, the true capital of the opposition. She was one of many women targeted because of their involvement in the protest. When she was found at an outpost on Saladin Road in Tripoli in a taxi, she was immediately arrested with two other women and held for two days, during which she was repeatedly assaulted. Her testimony raised global aware
ness of the systematic use of sexual violence by Gaddafi’s forces (Jayakumar, 2011; CBS NEWS, 2011).
Despite the challenges in investigating sexual violence allegations during armed conflict, strong evidence emerged during the Libyan revolution supporting these claims. The issue showed that Libya's conservative beliefs and notions of women's honor are viewed as delicate, potentially leading to honor-based violence and killings. A senior official of the Libyan Revolution’s Military Council reported that rebels found cellphone photos and videos of rape, along with condoms and Viagra, in the pockets and trunks of captured Gaddafi loyalists. Additionally, psychologist Seham Sergewa from Benghazi Hospital identified and interviewed dozens of rape victims across eastern Libya and along the Tunisian border, providing crucial documentation of these cases of crime (Zawati, 2012).
Gaddafi's regime deliberately capitalized on deeply rooted cultural attitudes toward sexual violence, recognizing that rape carries profound social ramifications in Libyan society, including severe stigmatization that could lead to honor-based violence or social death for survivors. The regime strategically leveraged this cultural vulnerability, employing sexual assault as an interrogation tactic against captured fighters, fully aware that the resulting trauma and shame would ripple outward to disgrace not only the direct victims but their entire kinship networks and tribal communities (Jayakumar, 2011). This documentation reveals that while sexual violence during the Libyan uprising victimized individuals across gender lines, social reactions to male and female survivors varied dramatically, reflecting entrenched gender-based double standards (Perlmutter & Schoenfeld, 2012).
Allegations of a coordinated mass rape campaign by Gaddafi’s troops, reportedly facilitated by the distribution of Viagra, prompted a comprehensive International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into the deliberate use of rape as a weapon of war. The BBC interviewed detained pro-Gaddafi fighters who revealed they received direct orders to commit rape in Misrata. The ICC investigation aimed to uncover the command structure responsible for strategically using sexual violence in actions that violate human rights and meet Amnesty International’s criteria for rape as a weapon of war (GARRAIO, 2012).
Silenced by Culture: Stigma, Extremism, and the Erasure of Women
The Gaddafi regime caused many families to lose their men through detention, disappearance, or death during the conflict. As a result, female heads of households more often took on these roles than during peacetime. This shift in traditional Libyan family hierarchies led to greater societal acceptance of women working and pursuing job opportunities to keep their families united and allowed them to advocate for the human rights of their missing members (PeaceWomen, 2011).
Despite Libyan women's achievements during wartime, they felt disappointed when the first opportunity for Libyan men to regain control of the government arose. They believed their sacrifices and contributions during the conflict would be recognized. They hoped that their activism and sacrifices would lead to more influence and a stronger political voice in the country’s future. However, when the chairman of the Libyan National Transitional Council, Mustapha Abdul Jalil, delivered his declaration of liberty speech on October 23, 2011, He failed to acknowledge the women’s role in the war; instead, he announced that Libya would reinstate polygamy, which was seen as an attempt to curry favor with the country's Islamist groups, who tried to impose influence on some cities in Libya during the war. Women resented this exclusion and neglect of their contributions to the war (Hammer, 2012; BB, 2011).
Open acknowledgement of the role that Libyan women played as supporters and as activists during the conflict encountered challenges due to the chaos that ensued after the Libyan revolution and the rise of extremist groups that backlash against women’s roles. These groups tirelessly worked to diminish and undermine women’s efforts, silencing their voices through verbal abuse, physical attacks, and assassinations targeting female politicians and activists, such as Salwa Bugaighis, a lawyer who defended ex-political prisoners against the Gaddafi regime and was found murdered because she spoke out to protect human rights. Additionally, the supreme Mufti issued fatwas to restrict women’s rights, leading to societal pressure for women to retreat to their homes and social roles, reverting to pre-war social norms (Hweio, 2018).
Society became less receptive to women’s rights due to the dangers they faced during the transitional period. As the country worked to stabilize and establish a new government after the 2011 revolution, ongoing armed conflicts in many regions created opportunities for different groups to impose their ideologies. At Tripoli University, guards harassed female students for not wearing the hijab, and one militia group demanded a wall be built to separate male and female students, limiting women’s access to education. These actions demonstrated how easily women’s rights could be sidelined when armed groups used religion and tradition to justify their control. Many families, caught in the chaos, feared being accused of dishonoring women simply by allowing them their rights. Out of fear, they often chose silence or compliance. This environment made it difficult for women to claim their space in public life, highlighting a larger pattern of how conflict and instability can be exploited to reverse progress on gender equality (HRW, 2015).
Women during the early conflict against Gaddafi were supported by revolutionaries striving to break down walls of fear and impunity by encouraging them to speak out about violent abuses and support families whose members were disappeared, killed, or imprisoned. Those women fought for human rights by exposing crimes that were committed, and people were arbitrarily imprisoned, seeking fair trials, and holding those in charge accountable for arbitrary killings and abuses under their authority. Those who defended human rights were supported for appointment as members of Parliament for their advocacy against injustice at the outset of the revolution. They kept speaking out against injustice and defending human rights, aiming to build a government governed by the rule of law. However, they were killed to prevent their contributions to the new government. Salwa Bugaighis, a lawyer and activist, was found shot dead in her home in Benghazi in June 2014. Ironically, the government claimed that the attackers remained unidentified. Three weeks later, former Member of Parliament Fariha al-Barkawi and Salwa Yunis al-Hinaid, a former Gaddafi associate, were killed in the eastern city of Derna. The government’s reaction was unchanged—they couldn’t identify the attackers. Moreover, military leaders and officials were frequently associated with human rights violations, which diminished their motivation to pursue investigations (Salah, 2020). The transitional government members demonstrated only minimal effort to involve women in the political process or acknowledge their contributions during and after the war. This insufficient commitment was evident in the new government’s constitution, which lacked any clauses to prevent discrimination against women.
During the U.N. Security Council meeting on Libya in New York on August 20, 2024, concerns were expressed about the decreasing civic space, especially for women’s civil society groups advocating for women’s rights and gender equality. These groups now encounter more restrictive registration laws. The council also discussed issues such as gender-based violence, harassment, and threats against women human rights defenders. Despite the revolution, the legal system remains discriminatory, and a draft law aimed at protecting women and girls from violence has not yet been passed. Consequently, women—particularly those in public or political roles—continue to experience violence and harassment, which can sometimes turn into physical violence. This situation significantly endangers women’s participation in politics, civic engagement, and media in Libya (Press Room, 2024).
From Praise to Stigma
During the revolution, Libya's women were greatly praised for their support and sacrifices; many were honored as "the mother of martyr" and "Sisters of Sisters". However, this public valuation did not extend to everyone. Women who were imprisoned, tortured, and sexually harassed often not only met stigma and rejection from society, but also from the families who struggled to accept the risk they had taken or identify them as victims. Instead of finding support or receiving the right care, they met a cultural mentality that sees people surviving sexual violence as a source of shame for their families. This stigma got worse after Gaddafi's collapse (BBC News, June 14, 2011).
Many women in Libya have been killed by family members—such as husbands, fathers, or brothers—in what's called "honor crimes.” These acts occur when a woman is believed to have brought shame to her family. Although some expected that the fall of Gaddafi’s regime in 2011 would improve protection for women and reduce gender-based violence, these hopes were not realized. Instead, the collapse of legal institutions and the emergence of armed groups after the revolution created conditions that enabled some individuals to participate in these acts. For example, in July 2022 alone, seven women were killed within a week in various parts of the country. Reports indicate that these killings were committed by family members motivated by a sense of honor. Few perpetrators are held accountable for these crimes, reflecting the broader failure of the post-revolutionary justice system. This depicts that the persistence of honor killing crimes is not only a legacy of Gaddafi’s era, but also a result of the lawlessness and institutional vacuum that followed the previous regime (Biala, 2023).
In early 2011, hundreds of thousands of people fled Libya to Tunisia after Gaddafi's regime was overthrown, driven by fears of clashes and bombings. During the initial three weeks of the revolution, about 30,000 Libyan civilians crossed into Tunisia (UNHCR, 2011). Throughout that year, a total of 130,000 refugees migrated from western Libya to Tunisia. Local Libyan NGOs indicate that many of these refugees are likely victims of rape who feel too ashamed to seek assistance (Harter, BBC, 2011).
The fear of dishonor reached a peak during the 2011 conflict. Some families, fearing the shame of sexual violence, went as far as killing their own female relatives to avoid perceived dishonor conflict (FIDH, 2012). Others chose to escape and report. FIDH and the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women (ATFD) indicated that around 50 Libyan women fled to Tunisia to escape possible assaults by Gaddafi’s forces. That same year, activist Souad Wahabi interviewed 54 women, who told her they had been raped by multiple men, and some of them became pregnant as a result (FIDH, 2012). In the early months of the 2011 Libyan Civil War, psychologist Seham Sergewa conducted a research survey with 70,000 questionnaires to investigate incidents of rape, and received only 60,000 responses. She documented 295 cases of rape that occurred among Libyan civilians. (Jayakumar, 2011; Trauthig,2024; SBS News, 2011). The issues of sexual assault and rape faced by these women have inflicted lasting trauma on both the victims and their families (PeaceWomen, 2011).
Another rebel fighter, Mohamed, described witnessing women and girls being held and assaulted at a school that had been turned into a military base. Five male household heads confided to Mohamed that their daughters and wives had been raped by Gaddafi’s forces, including one father whose three daughters (ages 15, 17, 18) went missing for three days before returning and reporting they were gang raped at the school. Tragically, this father then committed ”honor killings” by slitting all three daughters' throats on the same day. While some community leaders, including a prominent Sheikh, publicly advocated for treating rape survivors as brave and honorable, this account illustrates both the systematic use of sexual violence as a weapon of war and the deadly consequences of social stigma that can make survivors victims of violence twice over (PHR, 2011).
The allegations of systematic rape during the Libyan war have received mixed responses from international investigators. ICC chief prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo has stated that he has ‘information to confirm that it was a policy in Libya to rape those who were against the government.” At the same time, other UN investigators question the extent of mass rape due to insufficient forensic documentation. However, UN Special Representative Margot Wallström asserts that the low incidence of women reporting rape is deceptive. Libyan women face harsh repercussions for disclosing sexual assaults, such as the threat of stoning, flogging, or other forms of violence. This environment fosters a culture of shame and physical threat, deterring survivors from sharing their experiences (PHR, 2011).
Conclusion
Libyan women fought for freedom, risking their lives, dignity, and futures to help dismantle a brutal regime. They documented atrocities, cared for the wounded, smuggled weapons, and stood up to power. Their resistance was fearless, and their sacrifices were real. However, when victory was declared, they were not recognized; instead, they were dismissed. Instead of gaining the rights they fought for, many were pushed into the shadows, branded as dishonorable, and treated or punished for surviving. The violence they endured did not end with the war; it continued through cultural stigma, political exclusion, and systemic neglect, which Libya chose to forget about as much regarding its society as it does about its revolution. Justice for these women means more than merely remembering their courage; it means recognizing their humanity, protecting their rights, and rewriting them back into the national narrative. Until that happens, Libya’s revolution remains unfinished.
Glossary
Dissent: political opposition to a government or its policies.
Dissenters: people who oppose something that others accept or that is official policy.
Gaddafi: born 1942, near Sirte, Libya—died October 20, 2011, Sirte) was the de facto leader of Libya (1969–2011).
Libya: Libya, officially known as the State of Libya, is a country located in the Maghreb region of North Africa. It borders the Mediterranean Sea to the north and Egypt to the east.
Libyan revolution: The 2011 uprising started with protests in Benghazi on February 15, 2011, and grew into a civil war that eventually resulted in Muammar Gaddafi's overthrow and death in October 2011. These events led to significant political instability and ongoing violence, impacting women's rights and safety.
Militias: The government called out the militia to help cope with the rioting.
Trauma: a very intense shock or deeply upsetting experience, which may cause psychological damage.
Torture: The infliction of severe pain (such as from burning, crushing, or wounding) to punish or coerce.
Rape as a Weapon: Sexual violence during and after conflict.
Sexual Abuse: any act of sexual contact that a person suffers, submits to, participates in, or performs as a result of force or violence, threats, fear, or deception, or without having legally consented to the act.
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