A Damaged Democracy: Sheikh Hasina’s Authoritarian Rule in Bangladesh

April 24, 2025

Although Bangladesh has had a democratic government since 1991, the authoritarian regime of Sheikh Hasina from 2009 to 2024 placed its democracy in jeopardy. Her regime created a political environment characterized by extensive dissent suppression, judicial and electoral manipulation, and restricted press freedom, significantly damaging Bangladesh’s democracy. Although Sheikh Hasina has been deposed, it will take a long time for Bangladesh to rebuild its democracy.

Protesters storming the official residence of Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on August 5, 2024, leading to her subsequent exile in India. [Image credit: Parvez Ahmad Rony/Drik/Getty Images]

1971-2014: Liberation, Democracy, and Power Conflicts

After a bloody, nine-month independence war against Pakistan, Bangladesh emerged as a sovereign country in 1971. After independence, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the leader of the Awami League, served as prime minister and later became president. (Al Jazeera, 2019). While his administration attempted to restore the country’s infrastructure, it became increasingly authoritarian (The New York Times, 1971). After he and his family were assassinated in a coup by a group of military personnel on August 15, 1975, political turmoil ensued with multiple instances of short-lived governments and countercoups. As a result, the military became the dominant power (The Daily Star, 2022).

A transition to democracy and economic reforms followed. Ziaur Rahman, president from 1977 to 1981, established the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) (BBC, 2018). Later, General Hossain Mohammad Ershad, ruling from 1981 to 1991, resigned due to domestic mass protests and international pressure (The Washington Post, 1990), setting the stage for the free parliamentary elections in 1991.

The BNP, led by Ziaur Rahman’s wife Khaleda Ziawon, won the election and ended the military-backed rule. Although her term was characterized by infrastructure development and economic reform, it was destabilized by the strikes regularly called by the Awami League. Consequently, the BNP was forced to implement the caretaker government system, resulting in the 1996 election (U.S. Department of State, 2017).

Sheikh Hasina, leading the Awami League, won in 1996 and became prime minister, regaining power after 21 years. However, the BNP regularly interrupted parliamentary proceedings by calling for strikes and skipping sessions. The Awami League’s standing was damaged by corruption accusations and poor governance.

The BNP, aligned with Islamist factions, including Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), secured victory in the 2001 election (Al Jazeera, 2024b). Meanwhile, political violence intensified, as exemplified by the 2004 grenade attack on Sheikh Hasina at a rally (Amnesty International, 2005). With the responsible party unidentified, the Awami League retaliated against the BNP with protests and skipped parliamentary sessions. After two years of military-backed caretaker rule, the Awami League won the 2009 election by a landslide (Al Jazeera, 2024b). Sheikh Hasina’s administration was accused of authoritarianism despite its emphasis on infrastructural development, war crimes tribunals, and economic prosperity (Al Jazeera, 2024e; BBC, 2024). Notably, it established the International Criminal Tribunal (ICT) of Bangladesh in 2010 to prosecute those involved in crimes against humanity during the 1971 Liberation War (BBC, 2016). The trials, centered on some JI members and BNP leaders, sparked domestic and international controversy. The trial was widely seen as politically motivated, legally flawed, and subject to international criticism. Eventually, the ICT convicted and executed several JI leaders (BBC, 2016). Since 1991, the BNP and the Awami League emerged as the main parties in Bangladesh politics. Although there was much political violence and corruption, Bangladeshis managed to exercise their right to vote in four general elections between 1991 and 2009.

2014-2024: Electoral Manipulation and Power Consolidation Under Sheikh Hasina

Sheikh Hasina steadily consolidated power, effectively sidelining opposition groups, particularly the BNP (Freedom House, 2022). She achieved a de facto one-party rule marked by the use of administrative control and election manipulation (HRW, 2021).

Most importantly, the Awami League successfully passed the 2011 constitutional amendment, which abolished the previously established caretaker government system and enabled the ruling party to oversee elections (Crisis Group, 2024). Consequently, the parliamentary elections of 2014, 2018, and 2024 had widespread irregularities. Protest groups and independent observers cited intimidation, ballot stuffing, and suppression of the democratic process and questioned the legitimacy of the elections.

In the 2014 election, voter suppression by the government and boycotting by the opposition caused low voter turnout. The Awami League formed a government since they won 153 out of 300 seats uncontested. More importantly, despite its previous commitment to organize new elections to enhance political participation, it did not call new elections and stayed in power for all five years (Al Jazeera, 2014; BBC, 2014).

The 2018 general election was called “a mockery of democracy” by the opposition parties (Al Jazeera, 2018), who alleged that the Awami League manipulated the results by smuggling in pre-filled ballots the night before the official voting day. In addition, the BNP could not campaign effectively due to the intimidation and attacks on parliamentary candidates. For example, BNP leader and former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia was imprisoned on a fabricated corruption charge and barred from the election. In the end, the Awami League and its allies won 288 out of 300 seats, and the BNP only seven.

The troubling pattern continued in the 2024 election (HRF, 2024), which many decried as a sham that betrayed the country’s democratic values despite claims of plurality (Al Jazeera, 2024c). Political persecution and the imprisonment of key leaders forced the BNP and other major opposition parties out again. By supporting hundreds of so-called “dummy” candidates (Al Jazeera, 2024c; Reuters, 2024b) and having the Jatiya Party, its ally, act as the “puppet opposition,” the Awami League secured another dominant victory.

In summary, Sheikh Hasina’s control over the Election Commission, administration, and security forces enabled her to manipulate the 2014, 2018, and 2024 elections. Using political patronage, legal intimidation, and the use of state resources to suppress opposition, she effectively secured her party’s dominance.

2014-2024: Human Rights Under Siege

Extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances

From 2009 to 2024, abduction, detention, and extrajudicial killing of opposition activists were normal practices (The Times, 2024). These acts, mostly ascribed to state law enforcement agencies, were criticized domestically and internationally (Shariat, 2024).

There are more than 750 cases of documented disappearances allegedly committed by security agents since 2009. In particular, the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) was accused of committing severe human rights violations, such as the extrajudicial killings of close to 600 since 2018 (Al Jazeera, 2014, 2021b), and its high-ranking members and the head of Bangladesh’s police were sanctioned by the Biden administration for suspected human rights abuses (Al Jazeera, 2021b).

Thirteen defendants, including eleven former ministers, a judge, and an ex-government secretary, were accused of carrying out deadly crackdowns, planning and inciting violence, ordering lethal force, and obstructing efforts to prevent genocide (Al Jazeera, 2024). Major General Ziaul Ahsan, a top army commander, was charged with complicity in extrajudicial executions and enforced disappearances (The Times, 2024). Bangladesh’s primary military intelligence agency, the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), was linked to numerous tortures, enforced disappearances, arbitrary detentions and killings. DGFI used 700 to 800 secret prisons, known as “Aynaghar” or “House of Mirrors,” to imprison, torture, and kill political opponents and dissidents (Netra News, 2022). The victims were shot dead and fastened to cement bags to be sunk to the bottom of the river (Sky News, 2025).

Half of the BNP’s 5 million members faced politically-motivated prosecution (Guardian, 2023). For example, Adilur Rahman Khan, a prominent human rights defender, and Nasiruddin Elan, from the Dhaka-based rights group Odhikar, were imprisoned for two years for reporting on the arbitrary and unnecessary use of force against demonstrators in 2013 (HRW, 2023b). Writer Mushtaq Ahmed was detained for nine months before being tried under the Digital Security Act (DSA) for criticizing the government’s response to COVID-19 and claiming abuse and medical negligence. Later, Ahmed died in jail. In addition, cartoonist Ahmed Kabir Kishore was tortured in detention (Al Jazeera, 2021a). Although some detainees, such as indigenous rights campaigner Michael Chakma, were released from secret detention, hundreds remain missing (Guardian, 2024).

Threatened Judicial Independence

There were significant concerns about the lack of autonomy for the judiciary from 2009 to 2024 due to the influence of the Awami League. In 2014, the administration amended the Constitution to reinstate parliament’s power to dismiss judges for misbehavior or incompetence (Library of Congress, 2014).

Critics decried the amendment as an attempt to dominate the judiciary, as it conferred substantial authority to the ruling party to nominate and dismiss judges and compromised the historically impartial court. A chief judge who disagreed with Hasina’s verdict was forced into exile (Al Jazeera, 2024d), as reported by Netra News, which is operated by the exiled journalist Tasnim Khalil. In addition, justice favored pro-government people while silencing opposing voices. In January 2024, Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, the BNP secretary general arrested during a protest with other BNP leaders, was denied bail by the Bangladesh High Court. Meanwhile, BNP leaders who later joined the Awami League, such as Shahjahan Omar, were freed. Later, an unnamed cabinet official admitted that the release was contingent on an activist’s participation in the next election (Netra News, 2024a).

Restricted freedom of expression and media

Bangladeshis’ freedom of press and expression was severely restricted under the Sheikh Hasina regime. The DSA was extensively used to suppress dissent, cause self-censorship, enable arbitrary detention, and enact intrusive surveillance. Journalists were harassed, surveilled, detained, and physically assaulted. For example, at least 433 persons had been imprisoned, according to the DSA, suppressing online opposition (Amnesty International, 2021). Ten people critical of prominent figures in social media were disappeared, arrested, or tortured (Amnesty International, 2021). Dainik Dinkal, a newspaper, and 54 news websites were banned or shuttered, and investigative journalists, such as Rozina Islam, were prosecuted for revealing government corruption.

A culture of impunity pervaded, since the authorities did not investigate crimes committed against journalists, such as the 2012 killings of journalists Sagar Sarowar and Meherun Runi. Consequently, Bangladesh ranked 165th out of 180 countries in the 2024 World Press Freedom Index, the lowest in South Asia (HRW, 2023a). The DGFI reportedly pressured major businesses to stop advertising in Bangladesh’s prominent independent newspapers, Prothom Alo and The Daily Star, after they reported on an army operation in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Although government officials and DGFI denied issuing such directives, media buyers confirmed that clients were directed to halt advertising due to “unavoidable circumstances” (Bergman, 2015).

Meanwhile, most of Bangladesh’s prominent media outlets were controlled by Awami League-affiliated businesses (Al Jazeera, 2024d). For example, both the Dhaka Tribune and the Bangla Tribune belonged to the Gemcon Group, whose vice-chairman was the Awami League lawmaker Kazi Nabil Ahmed (Riaz & Rahman, 2021). In addition, a study using data from 32 businesses and 48 related print and electronic media outlets showed that ownership was heavily influenced by family relationships, political affiliation, and financial interests (Riaz & Rahman, 2021).

Systematic rise of goon culture and political violence

The Awami League employed unlawful methods to systematically suppress opposition, particularly the BNP (Al Jazeera, 2024e). For example, it increased repression before the 2023 national election with mass arrests, police raids on the residences of opposition members, and intimidation and detention of BNP supporters. The police did not intervene in the assaults by the Awami League members, instead arresting opposition activists. Furthermore, the Awami League persecuted expatriate journalists, dissidents, and their families (HRW, 2022).

Additionally, the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), the student arm of the Awami League, was a state-sponsored intimidation group. BCL members were involved in violent crackdowns and extortions, including coercing voters and manipulating the electoral process. They were linked to murder, rape, theft, robbery, bribery, and illegally getting public contracts (Netra News, 2024b). They even murdered 24 students on university campuses from 2009 to 2019 (Netra News, 2024b). Using the influence of ministers and high-ranking officials, BCL members obtained government jobs over other deserving applicants. Take General Secretary Shakirul Islam Piash: directly supported by former Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal and other senior officials, Piash controlled the Bangladesh University of Textiles, incited unrest, and pressured the administration into hiring him as a faculty member (Daily Ittefaq, 2024). This example aligns with a nationwide trend in which political affiliations supersede academic or managerial qualifications for administration and academic positions. Moreover, government entities frequently protected BCL members. During the quota reform demonstrations at Dhaka University, BCL supporters beat students with iron rods and sticks, injuring at least 100; they also monitored the school, chased away demonstrators, and even called in troops for enforcement (Al Jazeera, 2024a; AP, 2024; The Daily Star, 2024).

Fall of Sheikh Hasina: Brutal repression, student uprising, and mass atrocities

A controversial quota system in government posts, previously abolished, was reinstated in June 2024 by the High Court, sparking turmoil. University students immediately started country-wide protests, calling the quotas discriminatory and detrimental to merit-based employment. The security forces reacted with unlawful and, at times, deadly force, purposefully opening fire on unprotected protestors and resulting in summary killings. The authorities also failed to prevent BCL-led attacks on protesters. Sometimes, army soldiers opened fire on protestors who posed no immediate threat of death or serious injury, causing at least one extrajudicial killing. In addition, by protecting police officers, the army enabled them to violate the Constitution and use deadly force without fear of retaliation. As a result, tensions intensified in July when law enforcement employed excessive force against protesters, causing the fatal shooting of student leader Abu Sayed in Rangpur. His death escalated the protests, uniting students from diverse universities and backgrounds in a larger movement.

Students launch protests against Sheikh Hasina in Bangladesh [Image source: NDTV News]

Consequently, the authorities implemented “shoot on sight” curfews, closed educational institutions, and limited internet access, enforcing nationwide blackouts and effectively isolating the country from the rest of the world (Amnesty International, 2024; HRW, 2024).

In late July, the Army joined Police and RAB in massive operations to prevent widespread protests. On August 5, 2024, the police and armed Awami League supporters opened fire on hundreds of thousands of demonstrators as they marched toward downtown Dhaka. Later, the Army Chief told Sheikh Hasina that the military could no longer prevent the demonstrators from getting to her home. Subsequently, Sheikh Hasina was evacuated from Dhaka by an Armed Forces chopper at 2:00 PM.

During this protest, Bangladesh experienced the most lethal suppression of demonstrators in its post-independence history (Amnesty International, 2024). As many as 1,400 people might have died during the protests, most of whom by military rifles and shotguns loaded with lethal metal pellets used by security forces, by the estimations of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). Thousands more were severely injured, often permanently. Over 11,700 people were arrested and detained (OHCHR, 2025). The Sheikh Hasina government, along with its security and intelligence agencies and Awami League-linked violent factions, systematically perpetrated grave human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, violence to cause injury in thousands of protesters, widespread arbitrary arrests and detentions, as well as torture and other forms of ill-treatment (OHCHR, 2025).

Toward a New Beginning: Restoring Democracy and Justice

The interim government led by Dr. Yunus, Nobel Peace Prize winner in 2006, is carrying out substantial measures to reinstate democratic rights, ensure justice, and restore confidence in governmental institutions. While Sheikh Hasina still rejects charges of ordered disappearances (Sky News, 2025), the interim government has formally prohibited the BCL, labeling it a “terrorist organization” (Reuters, 2024a).

The interim government members, along with Dr. Yunus, visited the House of Mirrors (TBS, 2025), where they pledged to investigate previous abuses, join the United Nations Convention against Enforced Disappearances, and set up a commission to examine extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances (The Times, 2024).

Furthermore, the interim government created six reform commissions to address critical areas of governance. These commissions include the Constitutional, Public Administration, Police, Election, Judiciary, and Anti-Corruption Commissions (Dhaka Tribune, 2024a). For example, the Judicial Reform Commission emphasizes a merit-based attorney service, transparent judicial appointment process, decentralization of courts with permanent divisional benches, and financial independence for the judiciary to reduce delays and corruption (Dhaka Tribune, 2024b).

While Bangladesh is finally addressing these atrocities and committing to justice, accountability, and the restoration of human rights, Sheikh Hasina’s dark legacy of enforced disappearances, extrajudicial executions, and systematic repression with fear and violence is still casting a long shadow.

Conclusions

The former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, now exiled in India, ruled Bangladesh with an increasingly authoritarian hand for 15 years, systematically dismantling democratic institutions and violating human rights on a large scale. Despite initial hopes for economic progress, her tenure was marked by repression, election manipulation, and harsh crackdowns on opposition forces.

The Awami League used state institutions, including judiciary and law enforcement, to silence political opponents and eliminate meaningful electoral competition. By imprisoning opposition leaders, suppressing dissent, and intimidating activists, Hasina maintained a firm grip on power, undermining the fundamental principles of democracy. Her rule saw widespread reports of arbitrary detentions, extrajudicial killings, and enforced disappearances. The RAB was particularly notorious for state-sanctioned abductions and executions of critics, journalists, and opposition members. Press freedom suffered significantly, as laws like the DSA were used to criminalize criticism of the government, create an atmosphere of fear, and force journalists and citizens into self-censorship. Universities also face turmoil, as Awami League-aligned student organizations intimidated and attacked students under state protection. The harsh crackdown on student-led protests led to widespread killings, illegal detentions, and internet shutdowns, marking a tragic period in Bangladesh’s history. Lastly, international condemnation had little effect, and Hasina’s administration continued its authoritarian policies with minimal consequences.

Sheikh Hasina’s rule has transformed Bangladesh from a promising democracy into an oppressive regime. Her downfall signaled the end of authoritarianism and underscored the pressing demand for the restoration of justice and the revival of democracy. Bangladesh’s future is dependent on whether its people can reclaim their democratic rights.

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Glossary

• Abductions – The forced taking of individuals, often by state security forces, to silence dissent or instill fear among opposition groups.

• Amnesty International – A global human rights organization that has frequently reported on human rights violations, including enforced disappearances and extrajudicial executions.

• Arbitrary detentions – The imprisonment or prolonged detention of individuals without due legal process, often used to suppress political opposition and dissent.

• Assassination – The targeted killing of political figures, activists, or journalists, often as part of political repression.

• Atrocities – Severe human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and torture, committed under authoritarian rule.

• Authoritarian – A system of governance where power is concentrated in the hands of a ruling party or leader, limiting political freedoms and suppressing opposition.

• Awami League – The ruling political party in Bangladesh since 2009, accused of authoritarian practices, election manipulation, and suppression of opposition groups.

• Blackouts – Government-imposed shutdowns of electricity or internet services, often used to control information flow and suppress dissent during political crises.

• Chhatra League – The student wing of the Awami League, frequently accused of political violence, intimidation, and extortion against opposition groups and activists.

• Caretaker government – A neutral interim government system abolished in 2011 by the Awami League, allowing the ruling party to oversee elections, raising concerns over election fairness.

• Coup – A sudden and often violent overthrow of a government, such as the military coups in Bangladesh’s history, that have shaped its political landscape.

• Curfews – Government-imposed restrictions on movement, often enforced during political unrest to suppress protests and opposition activities.

• Demonstrators – Protesters and political activists who have faced violent crackdowns, arrests, and extrajudicial killings for opposing government policies.

• Digital Security Act (DSA) – A 2018 law widely used to criminalize dissent, restrict press freedom, and imprison journalists and opposition figures.

• Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) – Bangladesh’s military intelligence agency, implicated in surveillance, enforced disappearances, and media control.

• Election manipulation – Allegations of vote-rigging, ballot stuffing, and suppression of opposition parties to maintain the ruling party’s dominance.

• Enforced disappearances – The practice of abducting political activists, journalists, and critics by state security forces, often with no official acknowledgment of their whereabouts.

• Exile – The forced departure of opposition leaders, journalists, and activists due to threats, political persecution, or fabricated legal charges.

• Expatriate journalists – Journalists who have fled Bangladesh due to threats, harassment, or legal prosecution for their reporting on government corruption and abuses.

• Extrajudicial executions – Killings carried out by security forces without legal process, often targeting political opponents, activists, and suspected criminals.

• Extortion – The use of threats or violence by ruling party affiliates, such as the Chhatra League, to extract money or suppress dissent.

• Genocide – Refers historically to the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War but also used in allegations of mass killings of opposition activists in modern times.

• Lethal metal pellets – A form of crowd control used by law enforcement, often causing serious injuries or deaths among protesters and opposition activists.

• Political repression – The systematic suppression of opposition parties, activists, and journalists through arrests, violence, and legal restrictions.

• Quota policies – Controversial government policies on employment and education that have led to mass protests and violent crackdowns on demonstrators.

• Refugee – Individuals fleeing political persecution, violence, or government repression, including political dissidents and minority groups.

• Self-Censorship – The practice by journalists and media outlets of avoiding critical reporting due to fear of government retaliation under laws like the DSA.

• Strikes – Organized labor and political protests that have frequently been met with violent crackdowns by security forces.

• Summary killings – The extrajudicial execution of individuals without trial, often targeting opposition activists and alleged criminals.

• Surveillance – Government monitoring of journalists, opposition figures, and activists, often carried out by intelligence agencies like the DGFI.

• World Press Freedom Index – A ranking by Reporters Without Borders that has consistently placed Bangladesh among the worst countries for press freedom due to government repression of journalists.

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